The Arab Spring of 2011 electrified my cautiously optimistic liberalism: young men and women from a variety of backgrounds united together to cast off the yoke of yesteryear’s dictatorships. How could I not remain glued to the TV, looking in awe, as Egyptians organized in Tahrir Square to call for the deposition of Hosni Mubarak, for better working conditions, freedom of speech, and civil rights? How could I not tentatively root for the new president Mohammed Morsi, the first elected Islamist to lead an Arab nation? Sadly, just like the Arab Spring, my optimism has thawed. The Egyptian “Revolution” of 2011 is precisely that: a revolution, where now the country’s state of affairs is scarily reminiscent of Mubarak’s tyranny.

During the 2011 uprisings in Cairo, the Muslim Brotherhood initially shied away from lending its support; however, as the struggle between the government and the Egyptian people progressed, the group lent its strong organizational capacity and members to the protesters, an essential turning point for the uprising. After the dissidents successfully deposed Mubarak, I prematurely breathed a sigh of relief. The Brotherhood established the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) after the chaos. The military, a relic of the old regime’s policies, took hold of interim power. Outside countries saw an Egypt on the brink of disaster: the military, though corrupt, was generally more amenable to the West; the Muslim Brotherhood, though popular, may undermine the bedrock of American foreign policy the Middle East.

The FPJ entered Mohammed Morsi, a man with a Ph.D. from the University of Southern California, as its candidate for the upcoming elections. Winning 51.73% of the vote, he promised to guarantee rights of all Egyptians, regardless of religion. However, the interim government quickly passed a resolution that gave the military nearly complete autonomy, setting the stage for a violent power struggle between the Brotherhood and the military. In the face of a Mubarak-era government, Morsi proposed a constitutional overhaul, and in the process gave himself more power. In response, Cairo saw violent supporters who both supported and opposed the constitutional vote. In the height of the unrest, army General El-Sisi staged a coup on July 3^rd, 2013.

In response to the coup, Secretary of State John Kerry initially said the military aimed to “restore democracy” against the democratically elected president. As the international actors stood idly by, some Islamist supporters saw that perhaps their moderate ideology would no longer work in the face of a stalwart military. Different groups of protesters clashed violently, and the government ultimately jailed 21,000 and killed 1000, many of whom included the young revolutionaries in 2011. El-Sisi declared the Brotherhood a terrorist organization, unleashing a new wave of repression. With its assets frozen, the organization cannot support hospitals, schools, and other social services that are not linked with religious undertones. The government succeeded in fomenting even more fervent protests, and drawing more disillusioned supporters to the increasingly active Brotherhood. For the cherry on top of this macabre cake, El-Sisi has recently set forth a constitutional referendum that forbids religious political groups (though the document also guarantees freedom of religion).

As a sophomore, I remember writing a Whittier article in which I waxed lyrical the power of grassroots movements and the future of Egypt. As a senior, I feel I must temper that optimism with a touch of reality (or cynicism): Egypt, of course, is only one of the many countries of the Arab Spring in turmoil right now. Reading about these countries caused me to deeply reassess my own position about the power structures between people and their rulers. At first I was filled with cynicism, since for the moment injustice runs rampant. However, this movement has helped guide me on how to view the world: I no longer (consciously) try to divide the world between “good” and “bad.” I try to read a plethora of different newspapers, actively looking for different interpretations. Most importantly, I know that history involves dramatic changes at the drop of a hat. So, I guess that belief still makes me a young optimist.