Looking at Chinese Foreign Policy Today

Matt Banschbach, Writer

There is no international relationship more important than that between the United States and China. China has the world’s largest population, the world’s second largest economy, and currently is the world’s largest carbon polluter. The Chinese Communist Party is the largest political party in the world, with over 80 million members, and the Chinese President, Xi Jin Ping, is perhaps the most powerful man in the world. But when one looks beyond these surface indicators, China’s unlikely success story is revealed. But equally important to understanding China’s recent socio-economic successes is understanding the culture and ideologies that have developed for hundreds of years that influence modern institutions and the implications of those successes. In the coming four scores, international relations will be dominated by China, as it seeks not to equal, but surpass its western rivals and cement itself as the dominant world power, returning the status it enjoyed hundreds of years ago.

To understand the aspirations of China, one must first understand their origins. Throughout its history, China developed in significantly different ways from the West. One consistency is that, for hundreds of years, China was the richest and most powerful nation in the world, often being ahead of the west in terms of technological advancements. At the turn of the scientific revolution (and subsequently, the industrial revolution) however, Europe began to catch up. Certain Chinese attitudes, including that which rejected globalization in favor of acting within its own borders, also made China complacent in an era that was rapidly changing. In China, the culmination of these trends: the West catching up to China and China becoming complacent, occurred during the Century of Humiliation. These years were defined by poor decision making on the part of the Chinese bureaucracy and the encroachment of western powers that led to a loss of territory, heritage, wealth, and dignity that especially hurt the Chinese people. This sentiment carried over to the Communist Revolution years later, during which Mao Zedong unified the country through brutal means. Despite this brutality, the Chinese people preferred the subjugation by Mao than ever returning to the circumstances of the Century of Humiliation. China’s long standing place as the dominant power along with the persistent anger at Western powers for their actions during the century of humiliation explain China’s great desire to overtake the U.S. reclaim the spot in the world that, in its mind, it deserves. 

Key to understanding Chinese foreign policy is that the Chinese government views state sovereignty as supreme, an attitude which stems from its history of keeping to itself. In other words, China wants the rest of the world to stay out of its affairs, and in return they will stay out of the affairs of the rest of the world. The government determines what its affairs are and acts on them accordingly with minimal regard for the international rule of law. This is why it is so unwavering in its treatments of the Uighur population in Xinjiang, its encroachment on Hong Kong, or its claims to Taiwan and the South China Sea. These treatments have earned China fierce criticism from the rest of the world. As Caroline Hayter ‘22 and Hannah Carter ‘22 note, the words that first come to mind when thinking of China include “hate crimes, oppression, and a lack of individual freedoms.” In response to this criticism, China again suggests that these matters are their state affairs and that the world should not be concerned with their affairs. This puts much of the world, especially the United States, in an awkward position in regards to policy. U.S-China relations are the most important in the world, and being on more positive terms with the Chinese government would provide the medium for cooperation on issues like climate change. However, China does not hold many of the values America champions, like democracy and individual freedoms. There are a slew of other reasons to be wary of China, from the theft of American intellectual property to the unethical working conditions that have drawn businesses from around the world.

Addressing the China situation will require creativity and brilliance. The current stalemate in which these countries find themselves is not sustainable, but their governments must interact carefully with one another. As one can now see, China is incredibly defensive of its sovereignty and status; it feels obligated to be number one and answerable to none. This is not to say the U.S. shouldn’t continue to apply pressure on China, however. But understanding historical and cultural context is vital to making decisions that will shape the future. Many people might wonder if China should be considered a threat or if they should be scared. As Javier Ergueta says, “The biggest threat is what’s going on in our own society. Should the West be concerned? It should be concerned about China, but I think it should be more concerned about what’s going on inside its own borders. China has problems of its own, which make it a risky bet, in some ways, for coming out very well in the next forty years, but a critical element to their success would have to be the west continuing to… commit self sabotage.”. Despite China’s impressive productivity in comparison with the United States, it is dealing with its own internal conflict; much of the population has grown dissatisfied with the extent of corruption in government, the kind of discourse that the Communist Party is not used to dealing with. Regardless, the core values and motivations of the Chinese government and even people are made clear when considering the country’s history, a habit we should all seek to do more often.